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THE FIRST SIEGE OF 
LOUISBURG ^ 1745 



THE FIRST SIEGE OF 
LOUISBURG 

1745 

AN ADDRESS 

DELIVERED BEFORE THE NEW HAMPSHIRE 

SOCIETY OF COLONIAL WARS 

SEPTEMBER 2, 1909 



BY 

HENRY M. BAKER 

GOVERNOR OF THE SOCIETY 



CONCORD, N. H. 

THE RUMFORD PRESS 

1909 



Autlv.., 






'^ Fmt Sa©g© if LousEglbtiiiirg 



!l®w 



Iff® Society 



By Henry M. Baker, Governor of the Society. 



Gentlemen of the Society, Ladies and 
Gentlemen: 

At the beginning of the ISth cen- 
tury England, France and Spain 
were contending for the possession of 
the New World. The colonies of 
Spain were generally in the south and 
had no essential influence in deter- 
mining the control of New England 
or Canada. France had possession 
of Canada and the territoiy along the 
ocean east of the Kennebec, and that 
fronting on the Gulf of St. Lawrence. 
In addition to Canada, these posses- 
sions were known by the French as 
Acadia, Isle St. Jean, St. Christopher 
and Isle Royale or Cape Breton. 

The English colonies extended from 
the Kennebec in Maine to the south- 
ern limit of Georgia. Theoretically 
they extended toward the west in- 
definitely. 

The French early in the century 
planned to extend their settlements 
in Canada along the river St. Law- 
rence and the Great Lakes and thence 
down the Ohio and the Mississippi to 
Louisiana, encircling by their stations 
and forts the colonies of England with 
the intention of preventing their 
growth westward. This plan was 
larger and wiser than they had the 
capacity to execute. The French 
were generally Romanists and the 
English Protestants — many of them 
Puritans. Each in time of war with 
the other sought the cooperation of 
the Indians. The French, by their 
courtesy and fellowship, even com- 
radeship with them, were uniformly 
more successful in such alliances than 
the English. Besides this, the Indi- 



ans were more attracted by the ornate 
i-ituals of the Catholic service and 
mass than by the cold rigidity of the 
Puritan or other forms of Protestant 
worship. The French usually had 
the friendship of the Indians near 
whom they resided, while the English 
and the Indians were generally dis- 
trustful of each other and frequently 
at war. But the English are better 
colonists than the French, and from 
the beginning their settlements were 
the more prosperous and populous. 
They continued to increase more rap- 
idly in wealth and population, so that 
at the time of Queen Anne's War and 
King George's War the English resi- 
dents in North America were more 
than double those of the French, and 
during the so-called French and Eng- 
lish wars were at least ten times more 
numerous. 

Whenever France ^ and England 
were at war their respective colonies 
were involved, so that for the twenty 
years preceding the Treaty of Paris 
in 1763 the Canadian and New Eng- 
land colonies were frequently under 
arms. Though each nation helped its 
colonies by powerful armaments, these 
wars were very exhausting to the col- 
onies, both in men and money, and 
delayed their growth and prosperity. 

Today we are to consider one cam- 
paign of that almost continuous war- 
fare — a campaign not lacking in pic- 
turesque incidents, brilliant exploits 
and practical results. 

Prior to the Treaty of Utrecht 
(1713) England and France held in 
North America the territory each had 
colonized. As already stated, the 



The First Siege of Louishurg 



French possessions included Acadia 
and St. Christopher. By that treaty 
Acadia, now known as Nova Scotia 
and New Brunswick, and St. Christo- 
pher, subsequently known as New- 
foundland, were ceded to England. 
The French retained certain fishery 
rights in Newfoundland, which have 
occasioned numberless disputes, some 
of which are not yet harmoniously set- 
tled. Port Royal, which the French 
had fortified, was the only stronghold 
acquired under the treaty. The Eng- 
lish re-named it Annapolis, in honor 
of their queen. 

The French, having been compelled 
to surrender so much of their terri- 
tory and valuable fishery rights, be- 
came apprehensive of the future. 
They saw the New England colonies 
rapidly increasing in population and 
wealth and knew that they were even 
more hostile to them than England 
herself. France had parted with an 
immense domain, yet the hearts of its- 
inhabitants were still French and 
yearned for the time when the hated 
English rule should end. ' Though the 
last war had been disastrous to them 
they were not without hope. They 
began to prepare for the conflict 
which both nations knew was inevi- 
table. England endeavored to secure 
the personal allegiance of the inhab- 
itants of her newly acquired posses- 
sions and met with very indifferent 
success. They were generally willing 
to swear allegiance to England if their 
oaths could contain a stipulation that 
they should not be required to take 
up arms against their kinsmen, the 
French, but not otherwise. England 
would not grant this limitation, and 
hence its authority was exercised over 
unwilling .sub.iects, who were a hin- 
drance rather than an aid to the rul- 
ing power. Neither England nor the 
New England colonies erected any 
new fortifications of importance. 
Thev strengthened the defenses built 
hy the French at Annapolis and se- 
cured them by a small garrison. They 
seemed to rely upon their increasing 



numbers and wealth rather than in 
special military equipment. The 
colonial militia, however, was well or- 
ganized, equipped and disciplined. 

The French were not so confident 
of the increasing strength of their 
American colonial possessions. They 
had lost their only stronghold east and 
south of Quebec. 

Among the demands made by Eng- 
land upon France as a condition of 
peace prior to the Treaty of Utrecht 
was a stipulation that France would 
not fortify Cape Breton. This 
France positively refused to grant, 
and the treaty contained no restric- 
tion on that point. Wlien France 
had recovered from the war .suffi- 
ciently to make a careful and accurate 
survey of her losses in America and 
to consider plans by which she might 
redeem them and regain her pres- 
tige upon land and sea, she could 
not forget that she had parted with 
much of her most available territory 
and the key to the control of the cod 
fishery, which was becoming more 
valuable each year. She had come to 
that period in her new world colonial 
experience when energetic measures, 
ba.sed upon wise plans, must be 
adopted and enforced. Nothing 
seemed more wise and beneficial than 
the erection upon Cape Breton of a 
fortress so strong that it could with- 
stand the combined army and navy of 
England until reinforcements could 
raise the siege. The harbor of Louis- 
burg was.^.sgl,eqted, ,as the place best 
adapted td-^^is purpose. Elaborate 
plans were made by Vauban and other 
eminent French military engineers, 
and the fortifications were begun in 
1720. only seven years after peace 
had been declared. They were not 
completed until more than twenty 
years later, and it is stated that thirty 
millions of livres. or six million dol- 
lars, were expended in their construc- 
tion. This amount, allowing for the 
areater purchasing value of money 
then, would be equivalent to at least 
ten million dollars now. 



The First Siege of Louisburg 



5 



The harbor is in the southeast of 
the island and opens from the ocean 
through a main channel, easy of ac- 
cess and safe, though only about 500 
feet wide. To the left of the channel 
there is a considerable expanse of 
shallow water, interspersed with rocky 
islands. Upon one of these, close to 
the channel, a formidable battery was 
erected as part of the fortifications, 
and was known as the island battery. 

As the channel passed this island it 
expanded to the east and west, so that 
the harbor proper was more than two 
miles long. ' Between the west arm 
and the ocean a cape or headland ex- 
tended eastward for a considerable 
distance, so that its extreme point was 
less than half a mile from the island 
battery. The town of Louisburg was 
built upon a segment of this head- 
land and covered more than one hun- 
dred acres. It had six streets run- 
ning east and west and seven north 
and soiith, crossing each other at right 
angles, thus subdividing it into reg- 
ular squares. 

Along the west or landward side of 
the town site the strongest fortifica- 
tions were erected. They extended 
from the southwest shore of the har- 
bor in a southeasterly direction, about 
4.000 feet to the ocean, then eastward 
along the ocean more than a thousand 
feet, thence northerly to the harbor 
line and along the south shore of the 
harbor to an intersection with the 
principal line of defense — a total dis- 
tance of about two and one half miles. 
These defenses included six bastions 
and three special batteries. The bas- 
tions were so constructed as to com- 
mand every part of the ad.iacent wall. 
The king's bastion, or the citadel, con- 
tained apartments for the governor, a 
parade ground, a masazine, the bar- 
racks and a chapel. It was a fortress 
in itself and was constructed to sus- 
tain a siege after the other fortifica- 
tions had been captured or abandoned. 
The fortifications were about 225 
feet in thickness and consisted of the 



slope of the glacis, the banquette, the 
covert way, the ditch, the parapet, the 
banquette, the rampart and the slope 
of the talus. The ditch itself was 80 
feet wide. The top of the parapet 
was from 30 to 36 feet above the bot- 
tom of the ditch and 26 feet above the 
town streets. The cannon were 
mounted upon the interior ramparts 
and were discharged through embra- 
sures in the parapet. There were 148 
of these embrasures, but the number 
of guns actually in position behind 
them is not definitely known, though 
some authorities give them as sixty- 
five cannons and sixteen mortars. In 
addition to the cannon thus mounted 
the several batteries had ninety-five 
guns. There were no guns mounted 
en barbette. Upon either banquette 
musketeers could be stationed and 
coul.1 defend the glacis or, shooting 
across the ditch, could fire upon the 
enemy if he had succeeded in gaining 
an entrance upon the covered way 
The covered way was a shelter for 
soldiers or others and served also as a 
rendezvous for soldiei-s preparing for 
a sortie. Outside the landward wall 
were deep morasses extending to the 
foot I f the glacis. They were impass- 
able in many places and constituted 
in themselves a substantial defense. 
The walls enclosing the . town were 
protected upon the harbor side by 
the Maurepas Bastion, the Battery la 
Greve, the island battery of thirty- 
two forty-two pounders and the grand 
or royal battery north of the harbor, 
and just opposite its entrance with 
twenty-eight forty-two pounders and 
two eighteen pounders. 

The walls were built principally of 
a porphyritic trap, a rock of good 
quality abundant in the nighborhood. 
The other materials were shipped from 
France or bought in the West Indies 
or in New England. It has been as- 
serted, and probably with much 
truth, that the French officers in 
charge of the erection of the forti- 
fications were more thoughtful of 



The First Siege of Louisburg 



their individual prosperity than care- 
ful of the integrity of their work. It 
is said that the stone used was not 
properly dressed or firmly laid, that 
the mortar was made with unsuitable 
sea sand and, in general, that negli- 
gence and corruption were not strang- 
ers in the camp. However that may 
be, it is evident that the fortifications 
crumbled more easily than friends or 
foes expected. 

Yet in design these fortifications 
were as nearly perfect as their loca- 
tion would permit. The site of Louis- 
burg was not commanding — it was 
practically at the sea level. Black 
Kock on the south, the Green Hills on 
the north and the hills on the east 
above the Kghthouse, were each of 
greater elevation and should have been 
secured by auxiliary batteries. As 
they were undefended they served in 
both sieges as locations for the bat- 
teries which beat down the defenses 
of the town. 

Including the garrison Louisburg 
usually sheltered about 4,000 inhabi- 
tants. At times this number was in- 
creased by the militia from the sur- 
rounding country. The garrison 
proper seldom exceeded 2,000 officers 
and men. It was by far too small to 
effectively man such extensive fortifi- 
cations. Evidently the French could 
not, with sixch a force, maintain the 
outside defenses, so essential to the 
safety of the town. 

The fortifications were scarcely 
completed when France, long smart- 
ing from her losses under the treaty 
of 1713. and claiming new grievances, 
declared war against England on the 
15th of March, 1744. 

Iiifomiation of the impending war 
reached LouisbTtrg several weeks be- 
fore it became known in Boston, and 
the French, rejoicing in the security 
of their new fortress, soon began hos- 
tilities by an attack. May 24. 1744, on 
Can.so. where there were about 
seventy-five English soldiers. They 
were surprised and taken to Louis- 



burg as prisoners of war. The 
French, assisted by Indians, then 
made an attack on Annapolis, and 
were repulsed, with the loss of killed, 
wounded and prisoners. 

The New England colonies had 
viewed with alarm the erection of the 
defenses at Louisburg. They had 
kept informed of their progress dur- 
ing erection and had noted their weak- 
ness and their strength. They 
knew they were erected against them 
and in hostility to their monopoly of 
the cod fishery. Every colonial fish- 
erman and trader along the eastern 
coast brought home his story of the 
growing aggression and insolence of 
the French, and thus the public 
mind was kept apprehensive and hos- 
tile. The feeling was universal that 
war was inevitable. It was only a 
question of how and when. So when 
the government of Massachusetts was 
informed that the French had actu- 
ally begun open hostilities, it declared 
war against the French and Indians, 
and offered a bounty for scalps and 
prisoners. 

At the risk of a brief digression 
from our topic it may be well here to 
note the remarkable action of Mas- 
sachusetts in assuming the powers and 
responsibilities of an independent gov- 
ernment by a public declaration of 
war. She had had no communication 
with or instnictions from the home 
government. Her action is an ano- 
maly in history and politics and il- 
lustrates the self-reliance and inde- 
pendence of the colonists even more 
forcibly than their capture of Louis- 
burg. 

Among those who had definite 
knowledge of the conditions at Louis- 
burg was William Vaughan of Ports- 
mouth. New Hampshire. Tie hnd been 
a skipper and trader along the east- 
ern coast for many years. By many 
he was regarded as visionary and im- 
practicable. That he was a man of 
independent thought and great energy 
seems to be unquestioned. His con- 



Tltc First Sirgc of Louisburg 



temporaries and historians generally 
have conceded that to him belongs the 
credit and honor of having originated 
the scheme of capturing Louisburg by 
a colonial attack. That the strongest 
fortress in America could be captured 
by an undisciplined army of fisher- 
men, farmers, tradesmen and mechan- 
ics, with no cannon larger than 
twenty-two pounders, while the for- 
tress mounted scores of forty-two 
pounders, was indeed seemingly im- 
practicable and visionary, yet such 
was his information concerning the 
fortress itself, its weak and mutinous 
garrison and their scanty supplies, 
that he succeeded in impressing his 
views upon Governors Wentworth of 
New Hampshire and Shirley of Mas- 
sachusetts, who soon became earnest 
advocates of the expedition. As the 
French ships bringing supplies to 
Louisburg in the fall of 1744 did not 
arrive until after its harbor was closed 
by ice, they sailed to the West Indies, 
leaving the garrison without its usual 
annual consignment of commissary 
and military stores. The supplies be- 
ing limited, the prisoners captured at 
Canso were released and sent to Bos- 
ton. When the reports of these sol- 
diers, corroborating by their personal 
knowledge the statements made by 
Vaughan as to the weakness of the 
fortress and its garrison, were heard 
and considered. Governor Shirley not 
only approved but became enthusi- 
astic in his advocacy of an expedition 
to capture the stronghold upon which 
France had expended so much effort 
and money. 

In the month of January, 1745. he 
informed the Legislature of Massa- 
chusetts that he had a very confiden- 
tial and important communication to 
make to them and asked them to take 
an oath to receive it in confidence. 
As the governor was personally pop- 
ular and known to be zealous for the 
welfare of the colony they assented 
and took the oath of secrecy. To their 
amazement he proposed that, with the 



aid of the other colonies they attempt 
the capture of Louisburg. They had 
hoped that the Mother Country would 
some time capture it and relieve thera 
of the dangers which threatened their 
fisheries and commerce, but that they, 
without experienced oificers, disci- 
plined soldiers or heavy cannon, 
should attempt such a campaign 
seemed as preposterous to them as it 
did to Franklin, who a few weeks later 
wrote to his brother: "Fortified 
towns are hard nuts to crack and your 
teeth have not been accustomed to it. 
Taking strong places is a particular 
trade, which you have taken up with- 
out serving an apprenticeship to it. 
Armies and veterans need skillful en- 
gineers to direct them in their attack. 
Have you any? But some seem to 
think forts are as easy taken as snuff." 
The legislators therefore asked time 
to consider the proposition and soon 
after rejected it by a decisive vote. 
The governor was too much in earnest 
to abandon the expedition at once. 
He and his friends entered enthusi- 
astically upon the task of convincing 
the Legislature and the prominent 
citizens of Boston that the plan of at- 
tack was not only feasible but that 
success was quite probable; that both 
duty and interest demanded the at- 
tempt. The Legislature yielded; a 
reconsideration was carried and the 
expedition voted by one majority. The 
governor lost no time in putting the 
sanction of the Legislature beyond re- 
call. He issued a proclamation to 
his people announcing the proposed 
campaign and wrote the governors of 
the several colonies, asking their co- 
operation and assistance. Pennsyl- 
vania and New Jersey promised pro- 
visions and clothing, but none came. 
The Legislature of New York refused 
troops, but loaned ten twenty-two 
pounders, some powder and provi- 
sions. These guns were the largest the 
colonists had, and without thera the 
proposed siege would have been su- 
premely ridiculous. Rhode Island 



The First Siege of Louishurg 



promised troops, but none arrived un- 
til after Louisburg had surrendered. 
Connecticut, Massachusetts and New 
Hampshire furnished all the troops 
which participated in the siege. The 
command of the expedition was as- 
signed to Mr. William Pepperrell of 
Kittery, in the province of Maine, 
then a part of Massachusetts. Colonel 
Waldo, also from Maine, was origin- 
ally designated as the second in com- 
mand, but Connecticut, having made 
that rank a condition precedent to its 
joining the expedition, General Wol- 
cott, then its deputy-governor and 
colonel of its regiment, was commis- 
sioned next to General Pepperrell in 
authority. 

The work of enlistment was begun 
promptly and carried on vigorously. 
From the beginning the inspiration of 
the expedition was a strange mixture 
of religious enthusiasm, commercial 
greed and national hatred. The Pur- 
itan ministers were zealous because 
the French were Catholics and, it was 
asserted, had images in their churches 
which they worshipped. On Sunday 
they preached the Christian duty of 
destroying such idolatry and establish- 
ing the true faith of the Puritan, 
where heresy had so long prevailed. 
The week-day prayer and conference 
meetings emphasized those duties and 
became efficient recruiting agencies 
for the army. The great religious re- 
vival begun in 1734 by Jonathan Ed- 
wards had been continued by the emi- 
nent English preacher, George Whit- 
field, and all New England was un- 
der its influence. Mr. Whitfield sug- 
gested "Nil Desperandum Chrisfo 
Duce" as the motto for the flag of 
the expedition, and it was adopted. 
Thus the capture of Louisburg became 
a New England crusade for the glory 
of God and the coming of His king- 
dom among men. 

To merchants, ship-owners and sea- 
men the importance of the fur trade, 
the fisheries and the eastern coast 
traffic was presented, and the danger 
to the commerce of New England from 



the French stronghold magnified and 
discussed. 

All the colonists were hostile to the 
French, with whom they had been so 
frequently at war. They recognized 
them as the hereditary enemies of 
England and believed that they had 
incited the Indians to pillage and 
murder. 

Under such incentives it was not 
strange that within two months the 
full quota of men was enlisted, sup- 
plies secured and ships and transports 
engaged for the expedition. It con- 
sisted of 4,070 men. Of these Massa- 
chusetts is generally credited with 
3.250, Connecticut with 516, and New 
Hampshire with 304. There were ten 
regiments in all. Connecticut and 
New Hampshire had one each. That 
part of Massachusetts now the state 
of Maine furnished three regiments. 
Massachusetts proper supplied the 
other five regiments. 

Col. Samuel Moore commanded the 
New Hampshire regiment. Potter, in 
his military history of New Hamp- 
shire, and Gilmore, special commis- 
sioner of our state, in his report of 
1896 on the New Hampshire men at 
Louisburg, claim that New Hampshire 
furnished 500 men, or one eighth of 
the whole number. I have not been 
able to justify these claims, and as 
they do not give the muster rolls for 
that number they cannot be regarded 
as historically accurate. It is un- 
doubtedly true that there were New 
Hampshire men enrolled in Massa- 
chusetts regiments, but. so far as I am 
advised, the niamber so enrolled can- 
not now be definitely ascertained. 
The New Hampshire men sailed from 
Portsmouth in advance of the others, 
under convoy of an armed sloop, with 
thirty men, commanded by Capt. John 
Fernald of Portsmouth, and arrived 
at Canso on the first of April, nearly 
a M-eek before the Massachusetts 
troops. Doctor Belknap, who wrote 
the history of our state only forty 
years after the capture of Louisburg 
and who must have had personal 



TJie First Siege of Louisburg 



knowledge of and interviews with 
many who participated in the siege, 
says thei'e were eight companies of 
the New Hampshire troops, while a 
return made by Colonel iloore, which 
is still in existence, accounts for only 
seven companies, having only 275 men 
— 257 fit for duty and 18 on the sick 
list. Fifty-one of these he reports as 
paid by Massachusetts. As Colonel 
Moore states in this return the num- 
ber in each company of this regiment, 
he must be presumed to be accurate. 

After the surrender of Louisburg 
New Hampshire sent 115 men there 
as a reinforcement to its regiment. 
It is possible that these men consti- 
tuted the eighth company specified 
by Doctor Belknap. However that 
may be, we are safe in saying that 
New Hampshire contributed the 3(M 
men in Colonel iloore's regiment and 
the thirty men on the armed sloop, 
being 334 men as its part of the origi- 
nal expedition and also the 115 men 
sent as reinforcements, or 449 men in 
all, exclusive of those under other 
commands. 

The Massachiisetts troops on about 
103 transports sailed March 24 from 
Nantasket Roads, encountered a se- 
vere storm and arrived at Canso on 
the 5th and 6th of April. They were 
convoyed by a fleet of fourteen armed 
vessels, carrying 204 guns, com- 
manded by Capt. Edward Tyng. The 
Connecticut troops arrived some ten 
days later. 

Preceding these preparations Gov- 
ernor Shirley wrote to England ask- 
ing protection for the fisheries of 
Acadia and New England, but did not 
suggest any definite offensive opera- 
tions against the French. Later he 
asked Commodore Warren, who was 
in command of the English fleet in 
American waters and then at An- 
tigua in the West Indies, to join the 
expedition against Louisburg.- This 
Commodore Warren refused to do 
without specific instructions from the 
home government. Soon after his re- 
fusal he received dispatches from 



England directing him to proceed at 
once to Boston to render the colonies 
such aid as they might need. While 
on the voyage he spoke a schooner 
from Boston, which informed him the 
expedition had sailed, whereupon he 
changed his course to Canso. 

The colonists sailed without any en- 
couragement that the English fleet 
would cooperate with them. It was 
therefore with great joy that they 
were informed by the English frigate 
Eltham, which came into port on the 
22d of April, that Commodore War- 
ren was on his way to join them with 
three ships of war. His arrival the 
next day caused renewed confidence 
and universal rejoicing. 

While the troops were at Canso they 
built a little wooden fort or block- 
house, upon which some small cannon 
were mounted, and occupied their time 
in marching and perfecting themselves 
in the manual of arms. The ice did 
not leave Gabarus Bay and the harbor 
of Louisburg until the last of April. 

It was the hope of Governor Shirley 
that Louisburg could be surprised and 
captured without a siege. To that 
end he gave specific directions as to 
when the fleet should leave Canso and 
when arrive off Louisburg and when 
assault the fortifications. The fleet 
was to arrive at night and the assault 
take place before morning and while 
the unsuspecting garrison was asleep. 
Just how 4,000 men and their 
necessary equipments could be landed 
upon an unknown shore and walls 
over thirty feet high which they had 
never seen could be scaled in the dark- 
ness without disturbing the sentinels 
or arousing the garrison, the governor 
very discreetly did not undertake to 
describe. 

The fleet sailed on the 29th of April 
on time as directed, but owing to ad- 
verse winds did not enter Gabarus 
Bay off Louisburg until about eight 
o'clock of the morning of the next 
day. 

The Habitant de Louisbcnirg, in his 
account of the siege, says that: 



10 



The First Siege of Louisburg 



' ' From the first moment we had in- 
formation about them and in abund- 
ant time. . . . We had the 
whole winter before us — more time 
than was necessary to put ourselves in 
a state of defense. We were, how- 
ever, overcome with fear. Councils 
were held, but the outcome was only 
absurd and childish. . . . Noth- 
ing was done, and the result is that 
we were taken by surprise, as if the 
enemy had pounced upon us un- 
awares." 

Whether or not the condition of the 
French was as Ls here described, it is 
certain that they appeared to be sur- 
prised, and made only very feeble re- 
sistance to the landing of the troops. 
Pepperrell attempted to land at Flat 
Point Cove, about two miles from the 
city, but was met by a detachment of 
about 200 French soldiers, whereupon 
the boats proceeded westward nearly 
two miles to Freshwater Cove, where 
a landing was effected before the 
French could march over the rough 
ground to oppose them. An engage- 
ment ensued and the French were 
compelled to retire, with the loss of 
killed and prisoners. The landing of 
the troops with their guns, equipments 
and supplies was no further opposed, 
and about one half of tln'in were de- 
barked that day and the ofliers tm the 
first day of May. They encamped on 
both sides of a fresh water brook, near 
where they first attempted to land. 
This camp was maintained through- 
out the siege. 

The army thus encamped upon a 
foreign shore and about to engage in 
a siege to become memorable in his- 
tory had the usual organization of 
that period, the most peculiar of its 
usages or regulations being that the 
colonel of a regiment was also the cap- 
tain of one of its companies. The 
army had not been organized long 
enough to become a unit in action, 
though it was cohesive through its 
tenacity of purpose. It seems to have 
been harmonious and efficient, yet 
there was a freedom and individuality 



in its operations which in modern 
times would be regarded as subversive 
of discipline. 

This is manifested in the various 
requests to General Pepperrell from 
officers of minor rank for authority 
to conduct special expeditions or to 
lead assaults upon some specific bat- 
tery or outpost. The usual practice 
seems to have been to obtain authority 
for the proposed action and then to 
call for volunteers for the service or 
to pass around a ' ' subscription paper ' ' 
for those to sign who would agree to 
join in the proposed reconnoissance or 
attack. Sometimes after the requisite 
number had volunteered they met and 
elected their leader or commander. 
There were also many supernumerary 
officers, some of whom were not even 
attached to a regiment. Of this num- 
ber was William Vaughan, the pro- 
jector of the expedition, who, though 
a New Hampshire man, was commis- 
sioned a lieutenant-colonel without 
specific command by Governor Shirley 
of ]\rassachusetts. That he was held 
in high esteem is evident from a let- 
ter the governor wrote Genera] Pep- 
perrell. under date of March 23. 1745, 
as follows: 

"I desire you would let Mr. 
Vaughan, who goes a volunteer to 
Cape Breton in this expedition, and 
has been very instrumental in pro- 
moting it, both within this and the 
neighboring provinces, and has the 
success of it much at heart, assist in 
your councils, and I do appoint him 
to be one of it. Your countenance 
and protection of him, also, so far as 
is proper, I shall esteem a favor." 

The records of the councils held by 
General Pepperrell show that Colonel 
Vaughan was regidar in his attend- 
ance and that he was an efficient and 
honored member of them. 

General Pepperrell had not fully 
established his camp when in the af- 
ternoon of the first of May he detailed 
400 men. under command of Colonel 
Vaughan, many of them being from 
New Hampshire, to reconnoiter north 



The First Siege of Loiiisbicrg 



11 



of the town and harbor under the 
shelter of the Green Hills. He 
passed through the woods north of the 
royal battery and came out just above 
the northeast harbor, which stretches 
over the lighthouse point. Here he 
found many warehouses filled with 
naval and other stores wholly unde- 
fended. Recognizing that those stores 
could not be transported to camp, he 
decided at once to burn them. As 
they were largely composed of tar, 
turpentine and other highh' inflam- 
mable materials, they made much 
smoke, which floated down to the 
royal battery, and the .English ac- 
counts say so alarmed the French that 
they hastily abandoned it and fled 
into the town. The French annals 
deny that they were frightened by the 
smoke, but admit that they supposed 
the colonists were in large force back 
of them and that they were taken by 
surprise. Having destroyed the 
stores Colonel Vaughan sent his com- 
, mand back to camp, retaining only 
about a dozen men as a bodyguard 
and for observation and scouting 
service. They spent the night in the 
woods. The next morning Colonel 
Vaughan crawled close to the royal 
battery to ascertain as much as pos- 
sible of its location, condition and 
garrison. To his surprise he noticed 
that no flag floated from its staff, no 
smoke issued from its chimneys and 
no soldiers were in sight. He sent 
forward one of his men. who climbed 
into an embrasure and found the bat- 
tery deserted. This he signaled to 
Vaughan, who came forward with his 
men and took possession of the bat- 
tery. Upon a scrap of paper, which 
is still preserved, he sent the follow- 
ing dispatch : 

"Eoyal Battery At Louisburg, 

May 2, 1745. 
"To 

The Hon"'' Wm. Pepperrell, Esq. 

General, &c. 
"May it please your Honor to be 
informed that -with the grace of God 



and the courage of about thirteen men 
I entered this place about nine o'clock 
and am waiting here for a reinforce- 
ment and a flag. 

"Yours, 

"W. Vaughan." 

The French had deserted the bat- 
tery in such haste that they destroyed 
only a small part of their stores and 
spiked their cannon so ineffectually 
that the colonial gunsmiths, under the 
lead of Pomeroy of Massachusetts, had 
several of them in action the follow- 
ing morning. 

The Hahitanf de Louisbourg says 
in his letter: 

"The enemy took possession of the 
surrounding country and a detach- 
ment pushed forward close to the 
Royal Battery. Now terror seized us 
all. From this moment the talk was 
of abandoning the splendid battery, 
which would have been our chief de- 
fense had we known how to make use 
of it. Several tumultuous councils 
were held to consider the situation. 
Unless it was from a panic fear which 
never left us again during the whole 
siege, it would be difficult to give any 
reason for such an extraordinary ac- 
tion. Not a single musket had yet 
been fired against this battery. 

By order of the council a battery 
of thirty pieces of cannon, which had 
cost the king immense sums, was 
abandoned without undergoing the 
slightest fire. The retreat was so pre- 
cipitate that we did not take time to 
spike the guns in the usual manner. 
So that on the very next day the 
enemy used them. . . . What I 
had foreseen happened. From the 
third the enemy greeted us with our 
own cannon and kept up a tremendous 
fire against us. We answered them 
from the walls, but we could not do 
them the harm which they did to us 
in knocking down houses and shatter- 
ing everything within range." 

It is stated that the IVIassachusetts 



12 



The First Siege of Louisburg 



artillerymen, though they had no can- 
non larger than twenty-two pounders, 
brought with them a large quantity 
of forty-two pound balls for use in the 
French cannon when captured. This 
extreme foresight on their part has 
been characterized as "skinning the 
bear before he is caught," but in this 
instance the bear consented to the act. 
As the siege progressed some of these 
cannon were reiaoved to the batteries 
erected by the colonists against the 
fortifications and contributed much 
to their demolition. 

General Pepperrell was greatly 
elated by the capture of the Royal 
Battery and good cheer and courage 
ruled the new-made camp. He im- 
mediately planned his first battery of 
investment, which was located on the 
slope of the Green Hills, about 1,550 
yards from the west bastion. It was 
begun, says Parsons in his life of Pep- 
perrell, on the third of May. The 
cannon were rolled along easily on 
their wheels until they struck the 
marsh which occupied the front of the 
land defenses, when they began to 
sink and were soon immovable. 
There were no draught horses or oxen, 
and if available they would have been 
useless in the morass, as they would 
have sunk in the bog quicker than the 
cannon. The reliance of the French 
upon the natural defenses of the town 
seemed to be justified. In this 
dilemma Lieutenant-Colonel Meserve 
of New Hampshire solved the diffi- 
culty. He was a ship-builder by trade 
and may have been engaged in getting 
the king's masts or other heavy tim- 
ber over soft places. He suggested 
that wooden sledges sixteen feet long 
and five feet wide be built, with long 
ropes attached, that a cannon be lashed 
to each sledge and then that a couple 
hundred men draw it to the desired 
location. 

In four days a battery of six guns 
was in action. A week later they had 
dragged four twenty-two pounders 
and ten coehorns to within less than 
a Ihousand yards of the walls. This 



battery was succeeded by another, at 
a distance of 440 yards, and by still 
another, so near the fortifications that 
the combatants jeered each other. 
This last and nearest battery, some- 
times called the breaching battery, 
was erected within eighteen days af- 
ter the landing. In addition to these 
fascine batteries, each nearer the walls 
than its predecessor and all as nearly 
as possible opposite the west gate, the 
Dauphin bastion and the walls be- 
tween it and the citadel, which they 
had battered day by day, was the 
northwest or Titcomb's battery, lo- 
cated on rising ground, capable of en- 
trenchment, just across the west arm 
of the harbor, a little west of north of 
the city and about a half mile distant. 
In many respects it was the most pow- 
erful battery of the besiegers. It was 
composed of five of the forty-two 
pounders captured at the royal bat- 
tery. These cannon were drawn more 
than a mile by the soldiers on sledges 
and were mounted ready for action 
on the twentieth day of the siege. 
These guns were directed against the 
circular battery and the Dauphin 
bastion, which they practically si- 
lenced, leaving the breaching or near- 
est battery free to accomplish its 
work. Duchambon, the French com- 
mander, said Titcomb's battery did 
them more damage than any other. 

The colonists erected only one other 
battery during the siege. It was near 
the lighthouse, about opposite the 
island battery and 800 yards distant 
from it. It was advantageously sit- 
uated on high land and was equipped 
with cannon found in the water, 
where they had been dropped by the 
French. They had not been mounted 
— another proof of the inefficiency of 
the defense. They were supple- 
mented by a large mortar brought 
from Boston. This battery completed 
the land investment, and with Com- 
modore Warren guarding the entrance 
to the harbor the city was completely 
encompassed. 

On the seventh day of the siege, 



The First Siege of Louisburg 



13 



when only two batteries had been 
erected and no breach had been made 
in the fortifications, General Pepper- 
rell summoned the city to surrender. 
The Habitant de Louisbourg says: 
"We answered as our duty de- 
manded." Probably General Pepper- 
rell did not expect a surrender at that 
time, but thought it politic for some 
reason to make the demand. Yet it 
is recorded that an order was issued 
to storm the city two days later, which 
was countermanded because so many 
ofBcers and men thought it ill advised 
at that time. 

During the entire siege the island 
battery was the source of much anx- 
iety and annoyance to the besiegers. 
It appears that Commodore Warren 
did not think it wise for him to attack 
that battery with his ships of war and 
that he would not attempt to enter the 
harbor with his vessels until it had 
been silenced by the land forces. 
General Pepperrell needed the co- 
operation of the fleet, which served 
the one purpose only of guarding the 
harbor entrance. Just why the fleet 
could not have rendered more efficient 
service it is difficult to understand. 
That the island battery was under 
anxious consideration by the land 
forces at an early date is shown by a 
letter written by Colonel Vaughan to 
General Pepperrell as follows: 

"Royal Battery, May 11, 1745. 
"Honorable Sir: 

"I am awfully persuaded that I 
can take the Island Battery from this 
place with the boats that are here, if 
you think proper to give the taking 
of the place to myself. I dare to en- 
gage with the blessing of God to send 
you the flag within forty-eight hours 
from this time, if you think proper to 
give me orders to conduct the affair 
entirety by my own .judgment; with 
the concurrence of the party to go 
with me, I doubt not of success. I 
think I perfectly know the rocks we 
have already split on and can avoid 
them or any other for the future. 



' ' If my offer be accepted the sooner 
I have the order the better, being 
persuaded I can fi.nd men enough that 
will willingly go with me. 

"I am, Honorable Sir, with all due 
respects 

' ' Your most obedient servant, 

"W. Vaughan." 

I have not been able to find any re- 
ply to this letter or that any action 
was taken at that time upon its sug- 
gestions. As there is no record that 
Colonel Vaughan led an attack on 
that battery it is presumed the au- 
thority requested was not granted. 

It is stated that there were five dif- 
ferent attempts to capture the island 
battery. If so there is no detailed ac- 
count of them and no specific reports 
of any but the last one, which was so 
disastrous to the colonists. This at- 
tack was made in the evening of the 
26th of May by about 400 men, led 
by Captain Brooks of New Hamp- 
shire. It is presumed that he was 
chosen leader by the men themselves. 
It is undisputed that he was brave and 
competent. The battery was located 
upon an isolated rocky island diffi- 
cult of approach, well fortified and 
resolutely defended. The attack was 
bravely made and well sustained. 
The boats of the attacking party were 
sighted by the French soon after they 
left the lighthouse point and were 
subjected to a continuous fire. The 
landing was arduous and the men who 
reached the defences were too few to 
succeed. They were compelled to re- 
treat, having sustained a loss of about 
sixty killed and more than a hvindred 
prisoners. This was the only failure 
of consequence which the colonists sus- 
tained and the only French victory 
during the siege. 

It has been stated that the French, 
through the late arrival of their fleet 
in the autumn of 1744, failed to sup- 
ply Louisburg with its annual con- 
signment of commissary and military 
stores. This failure had caused the 
governor no anxiety until the city was 



14 



Tlie First Siege of Louisiurg 



completely invested by land and by 
sea. He had hoped that a French 
fleet would raise the siege; but none 
came. Only one small vessel had been 
able to run the blockade and reach 
the harbor. It brought few supplies. 
Other small vessels had been captured 
whose cargoes supplemented the di- 
minishing stores of the colonists. 

It appears that the French home 
government was not unmindful of the 
needs of Louisburg. Undoubtedly its 
failure to renew the various stores of 
the fortress the preceding j^ear was 
well known and the subject of some 
anxiety. So, early in 1745, a vessel 
was fitted out at Brest with all needed 
supplies and ordered to sail in season 
to be off Louisburg as soon as the har- 
bor would be free from ice. While in 
port this vessel was accidentally 
burned. Further delay was inevi- 
table. At last the French man-of-war 
Vigilant, a new vessel, for the first 
time put in commission manned by 
five hundred men and armed with 
sixty-four guns, set sail for Louis- 
burg. It carried stores of all kinds. 
When it sailed it was not known in 
France that any attempt to captare 
the fortress was contemplated, and 
even had the colonial expedition been 
known it would have been treated 
with contempt. The man-of-war ar- 
rived off Louisburg about the ISth of 
May. The pi-esence of the blockad- 
ing fleet, under the command of Com- 
modore Warren, was the first intima- 
tion the Vigilant had that Louislnirg 
was besieged. At that time there was 
a strong northeast wind very favor- 
able for entering the harbor, the Eng- 
lish fieet was miles to the leeward, and 
had the commander of the Vigilant 
made all sail he probably could have 
ran the blockade. But he did not 
know the strength of the Englisli fleet 
and encountering a colonial ship gave 
chase and was led toward the fleet, 
so that he was soon engaged with Com- 
modore Warren's principal force. 
The flght lasted from about the mid- 
dle of the afternoon until ten o'clock 



at night, when the Vigilant, sur- 
rounded by the most powerful vessels 
of the English fleet, was compelled, 
like a stag at bay, to succumb to the 
power it could no longer resist. Thus 
the last hope of the French for rein- 
forcements was destroyed. Some ac- 
counts, like- that of the Habitant de 
Louisbovrg, state that the French saw 
the Vigilant and knew of its fight and 
capture. The English represent that 
the French had no knowledge of the 
capture until weeks after, when they 
were informed of it under a flag of 
truce sent them by General Pepper- 
rell, ostensibly to demand better treat- 
ment for his soldiers, then prisoners 
of war, but really to give the French 
officer who accompanied the flag an 
opportunity to tell of the capture of 
the Vigilant and the strength of the 
besiegers, while certifying to the ex- 
cellent treatment accorded him and 
the other prisoners of war held by 
the English. 

The colonists were busy — some 
of their batteries had been in opera- 
tion for more than a month and all of 
them for weeks. Large breaches had 
been made in the walls near the west 
gate, nearly every building in the 
town was shattered and the island bat- 
tery was disabled. It was known that 
the French supply of powder was 
nearly exhausted. The fire of the 
colonists had been continuous and ef- 
fective; that of the French irregular 
and generally harmless. The defense 
became weaker each day and by the 
eleventh of June it was evident to 
friend and foe that Louisbiirg was 
doomed. During the entire siege the 
garrison had been too weak to justify 
sorties and therefore the colonists had 
licen uninterrupted in their work ex- 
cept as the guns of the fortress oc- 
casionally drove them to shelter. The 
cannon had done their work. The 
way seemed open to carry the fortifi- 
cations by assault and end the siege in 
glory. 

On the 14th of June General Pep- 
perrell welcomed Commodore Warren 



37ie First Siege of Louishurg 



15 



to camp to i)lau a coinljiiied assault 
by land aud sea. General Pepperrell 
was ready to make the land attack, 
but Commodore Warren, who had 
done nothing of note with his eleven 
English ships of war, carrying 524 
guns, and with all the colonial vessels 
under his command, except to capture 
the Vigilant and blockade the harbor, 
was unwilling to assault the island 
battery or to attempt to run past it 
with his ships unless the Vigilant 
should be manned by 600 of the land 
forces and lead the line of battleships. 
At first General Pepperrell objected 
that he could not spare that numijer 
of men from his available force. But 
Commodore Warren was inflexible and 
General Pepperrell yielded. The 
New Hampshire regiment under 
Colonel Moore volunteered for this 
hazardous service. It is said that the 
troops were paraded, the proposed as- 
sault communicated to them and that 
they were exhorted to remain stead- 
fast and show their courage by brave 
deeds. The soldiers were enthusiastic 
and answered by cheers. Pending the 
arrangement of other details the con- 
ference was continued until the next 
day. 

Meanwhile the fleet had been 
brought closer to the harbor entrance 
and cruised in sight of the fortress. 
Unusual activity pervaded the camp 
and the several batteries. The light- 
house battery bombarded the island 
battery incessantly and it was fast be- 
coming useless as a defense. These 
activities and the conferences of the 
two commanders did not escape the 
notice of the French. The governor, 
M. Duchambon. wrote General Pep- 
perrell on the 15th of June, proposing 
a suspension of hostilities with a 
view to the surrender of the garrison 
of Louisburg upon such terms as could 
be mutually agreed upon. 

General Pepperrell and Commodore 
Warren replied at once, saying his 
letter arrived "at a happy juncture 
to prevent the effusion of Christian 
blood, as we were together, and had 



just determined upon a general at- 
tack." 

They granted an armistice until 
eight o'clock the next morning, at 
which hour M. Duchambon was to 
present his formal offer of surrender. 
The conditions then submitted were 
regarded as inadmissible and they 
sent him an ultimatum, which was to 
expire at six o'clock that evening. 
Duchambon had no alternative and he 
sent a hostage with a letter to Gen- 
eral Pepperrell, accepting the terms 
offered, but requesting that his troops 
be allowed to march out of the town 
with their arms and colors flying — to 
be given up immediately afterward. 
This request was granted. 

On the afternoon of the 17th of 
June General Pepperrell, at the head 
of his army, marched through the 
Dauphin gate into the town and re- 
ceived its keys from the commandant, 
who had his garrison drawn up in the 
king's bastion to receive him. The 
military etiquette of the occasion was 
punctiliously observed. Each army 
saluted the other. Then the French 
flag was saluted and lowered. As the 
lilies of France fluttered down the 
flag-staff the cross of St. George arose 
over the citadel and was saluted by 
the guns of the army and navy and 
the cheers of the soldiers and sailors 
who had endured so much to secure 
the triumph and glory of that hour. 

About the same time Commodore 
Warren sent a party of marines to 
take po.ssession of the island battery, 
wliich had caused him so much anxi- 
ety, and then sailed into the harbor 
with his fleet. Just forty-nine days 
from the arrival of the colonists in 
Gabarus Bay they were in possession 
of Louisburg and its garrison were 
their prisoners of war. 

The prisoners of war were immedi- 
ately put on board the fleet, as stipu- 
lated in the terms of capitulation, and 
on the 4th of July a man-of-war and 
eleven transports sailed with them for 
Prance, where they arrived safely. 

Thus the expedition bom of reli- 



16 



The First Siege of Louisburg 



gious enthusiasm, commercial greed 
and national pride ended in victory 
and glory. The Fates were propi- 
tious. Gibson, the merchant of Bos- 
ton who was of the expedition, says 
in his diary: 

"From the first day of the siege 
until the surrender of the city it was 
such fine weather that not one single 
day was lost in the prosecution of the 
design. Fair weather during the 
siege and rain and fog as soon as it 
was over. Every ship coming with 
provisions, munitions of war and re- 
inforcements was captured by the be- 
siegers." 

Every event and detail of the expe- 
dition and of the siege, with the one 
exception of the assault on the island 
battery, were favorable to the Eng- 
lish and unluek}' for the French. 
Even the most preposteroxis of the 
plans of the colonists were successful. 
They succeeded against all military 
maxims and precedents — even the 
forces of nature were their allies. 
The result justified Rev. Mr. Prince 
of Boston, who said: "No one in 
common sense can deny a particular 
Providence in this affair." And 
again, "Methinks when the southern 
gates of Louisburg were opened, and 
our army with their banners were 
marching in, the gates were lifted up, 
and the King of Glory went in with 
them." 

Whatever our views as to special 
Providences, all agree that the expedi- 
tion against Louisburg is among the 
most illustrious of all the exploits of 
volunteers known to history; that an 
unusual concurrence of favorable 
events attended their persistent and 
heroic efforts and that the achieve- 
ments of that campaign had an im- 
portant influence upon the future of 
the English colonies. The watch- 
words of the hours were cooperation, 
combination and self-reliance. 

In his "Life of General Pepperrell" 
Parsons says : 

' ' General Pepperrell gave a banquet 
to his officers soon after taking posses- 



sion of the fortress. Parson Moody 
of York, Me., the uncle of Mrs. Pep- 
perrell, was the elder and the most 
prominent of the chaplains present. 
He was generally very long in all his 
prayers and addresses. Everybody 
dreaded to have him say grace, fear- 
ing he would occupy so much time 
that the banquet would become cold. 
He was so irritable no cue was will- 
ing to suggest that brevity would be 
acceptable. "Whether or not he had 
a hint, he surprised his friends and 
disappointed his enemies by the fol- 
lowing: 'Good Lord! We have so 
many things to thank Thee for that 
time will be infinitely too short to do 
it; we must therefore leave it for the 
work of eternity. Bless our food and 
fellowship upon this joyful occasion, 
for the sake of Christ, our Lord. 
Amen.' " 

The news of the surrender of the 
fortress reached Boston about day- 
break of the third of July. Bells 
were rung and it is stated in a letter 
to General Pepperrell under date of 
July 4. 1745, that "the people of Bos- 
ton before sunrise were as thick about 
the streets as on an election day 

. We had last night the finest 
illumination I ever beheld with my 
eyes. I believe there was not a house 
in town, in no by-lane or alley, but 
joy might be seen through its win- 
dows. ' ' 

These glittering manifestations of 
rejoicing were succeeded by a day of 
public thanksgiving, with services in 
all the churches. The sermons then 
preached, so far as they have been 
preserved to us, are in the flowery and 
prolix style of that period, but are all 
devout and thankful. 

When England heard of the cap- 
ture of Louisburg there was great re- 
joicing, as her arms on the continent 
had been generally unsuccessful. 
This victory enabled her eventually to 
conclude a treatv' in honor, though not 
one of any especial advantage to her. 

The chief of artillery and engineer 
in charge of the investment of Louis- 



The First Siege of Louisburg 



17 



burg was Richard Gridley, who sub- 
sequently planned the redoubt for 
Preseott on Bunker Hill and had 
command of the provincial artillery 
there. 

It is said that the same drums which 
beat on the triumphal entry of Gen- 
eral Pepperrell into Louisburg led the 
march of the patriots to Bunker Hill. 

Matthew Thornton, one of the sign- 
ers of the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence, in behalf of our state, was the 
surgeon of the New Hampshire regi- 
ment at Louisburg. 

Upon their return from Louisburg 
the New Hampshire regiment brought 
a bell which they had captured and 
presented it to the Queen's Chapel in 
Portsmouth. It has been recast and 
is now in the tower of St. John's 
Church in that city. 

The Louisburg expedition cost New 
Hampshire 26,489 pounds of its 



monej^ It was reimbursed by Eng- 
land 16,355 pounds sterling. 

The colonists having captured 
Louisburg were compelled to hold it 
until troops could come from Eng- 
land to relieve them. This was nearly 
a year. During that time they suf- 
fered much more from inclement 
weather and from sickness than from 
all the hardships of the siege. The 
deaths during that period vastly ex- 
ceeded those during open hostilities. 

By the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle 
between England and France in 1748 
it was stipulated that "all things 
should be restored on the footing they 
were before the war." 

All the effort and sacrifices of the 
colonies apparently had been useless. 
But no worthy effort is without its re- 
ward. Prom the union of the col- 
onies, though they knew it not, a new 
nation was to be born. 




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